Background and Research
Question
In June 2019, the United States Department of Defense published Indo-Pacific Strategy Report [1], subtitling “preparedness, partnerships, and promoting a networked region.” This strategy is to focus on enforcing long-term peace and prosperity, given the increasingly complexed security environment in the Indo-Pacific mainly threatened by China, Russia, North Korea, and non-state actors such as ISIS. In this strategy, Japan was set to be a critical partner under the U.S.-Japan Alliance not only for the presence of American Military in Yokosuka, Okinawa, and other areas of Japan, but also for the significant contribution in the finance of strategy. Indeed, given the fact of the Japanese constitution that Japan allows the use of force only for the purpose of self-defense, it is critical for Japan to take initiative in economic and diplomatic leadership in the Indo-Pacific, which would substitute a military leadership.
Consequently, Japan’s national security council
created the foreign affairs strategy known as Free and Open Indo-Pacific
Strategy [2] which is to focus on
the active participation in Indo-Pacific diplomacy, beginning with one of the
biggest economic agreement signed in 2018: Comprehensive and Progressive
Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). CPTPP was negotiated among Japan
and 11 countries around the Indo-Pacific, which is now the third-largest free-trade
area in the world by GDP, following North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
and European Union (EU)’s single market. The Indo-Pacific trade represents 13.4% of the world economy, approximately US$
13.5 trillion. This economic agreement was a place for Japan to practice its
leadership upon the fact of the U.S. withdraw from its negotiation in 2016. [3]
Although Japan was able to lead some
participants of Indo-Pacific nations through CPTPP, it is yet clear that CPTPP
solely by itself does not stabilize Indo-Pacific security and there is still
much space for Japan to grow diplomatic talks and initiate further
international agreements and cooperation. This research project will therefore
examine the current network of the Indo-Pacific countries and determine how
Japan can strengthen its leadership in the area. In order to understand the level
of Japan’s engagement toward each country bilaterally as well as
multilaterally, the project will look at a number of international trade
agreements and high-level diplomatic talks. The research question that will
guide this project is: what further cooperation (security/trade agreements and
bi-lateral/tri-lateral meetings) is in need of Japan with which countries?
Data and Methodology
I will utilize data from the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of Japan, the United States Department of Defense, and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which I have already obtained. The nodes will be only the 27
states and non-state actors introduced in the U.S. Department of Defense’s Indo-Pacific
Strategy Report. Each country will
be assessed by how deep they are engaging with Japan, analyzed by several
attributes with two purposes: 1) levels and types of economic and diplomatic cooperation
and 2) levels of Japan’s engagement in the international system, which data mostly
will be according to National Defense Program Guidelines [4]. This analysis
seeks were to engage more. There are three principle goals [5] in Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy, which are 1) Rule of Law
2) Economic Prosperity 3) Peace and Stability. 2-mode issues will be utilized
to examine which goals Japan has been successfully promoting to which nations.
Size of the nodes will reflect the size of the economy (i.e. Gross Domestic
Products). Additionally, if foreign direct investment (FDI) [6] from/to Japan, the
U.S. and China provides further insights into the node’s direction (in/out-degree),
it will help understand which other nodes have deep ties with these three main
countries in the Indo-Pacific network.
Nodes:
- United States, China, Russia, the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea (DPRK: North Korea), and non-state actors, Japan, Republic of Korea
(South Korea), Australia, The Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Taiwan, New
Zealand, Mongolia, India, Sri Lanka, The Maldives, Bangladesh, Nepal, Vietnam,
Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Laos, Cambodia, United Kingdom, France, and
Canada.
Attributes:
- Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy
o Hard Cooperation: counterterrorism, Disaster Risk Reduction,
Counterpiracy, Mine Cleaning, Post-Conflict Management
o Soft Cooperation: Infrastructure, Energy, Environment/Health,
Peacebuilding, Government Affairs (Human Resource/Legal), Private Sector
o Maritime military security: Port, airport, ships
- National Defense Program Guidelines
o Trade and Agreements: CPTTP, Japan’s Infrastructure Projects,
FDIs, bi-lateral/tri-lateral agreements relating to economic and diplomatic
cooperation
o High-Level Diplomatic Talks: East Asia Summit (EAS), The IISS
Shangri-La Dialogue, ASEAN Defense Minister’s Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus), ASEAN
Regional Forum (ARF)
2-mode issues:
- Three principle goals 1. Rule of Law 2. Economic Prosperity 3. Peace and Stability
- Indo-Pacific Nations
Why SNA?
SNA is the greatly appropriate tool for
answering my question because SNA enable me to measure the impact of economic
and diplomatic cooperation through ties, which I believe essential to
understand current international relations and international security.
Furthermore, SNA will help organize and measure the level of Japan’s engagement
in the Indo-Pacific countries and help find out the potential needs to deepen
its ties with other countries on the specific area of cooperation.
[1] “Indo-Pacific
Strategy Report,” The Department of Defense, 2019 https://media.defense.gov/2019/Jul/01/2002152311/-1/-1/1/DEPARTMENT-OF-DEFENSE-INDO-PACIFIC-STRATEGY-REPORT-2019.PDF
[2]
“Towards Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy,” Minister of Foreign Affairs
of Japan, 2019, https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/000407643.pdf
[3] Torrey,
Zachary, "TPP 2.0: The Deal Without the US," The Diplomat,
2018, https://thediplomat.com/2018/02/tpp-2-0-the-deal-without-the-us/
[4] “National Defense Program Guidelines,” Cabinet Secretariat, 2018 http://www.cas.go.jp/jp/siryou/pdf/2019boueikeikaku_e.pdf
[5] “A New Foreign Policy Strategy: Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 2019 https://www.asean.emb-japan.go.jp/files/000352880.pdf
[6] "Country Fact Sheets 2019”, United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development, 2019, https://unctad.org/en/Pages/DIAE/World%20Investment%20Report/Country-Fact-Sheets.aspx
1 comment:
Cooperation between nations within the indo-pacific seams like a solid nexus for an SNA analysis, but it's not clear that this will illustrate connections of individual countries with one another. Looking at FDI is one way of doing this, but I'm not sure how an analysis of the two tie together. Designation of nodes as individual countries is viable, but the connections between aren't fleshed out. What constitues tie strength? How does the two-mod analysis marry, with the directed FDI network, with the economic/diplomatic cooperating network? A lot going on here. Data sources for your analysis seem feasible. I think that structure for your analysis could be more clear, especially because your research question is about revealing "further cooperation" but you don't go into detail about how your SNA will enlighten that.
Ben and RT
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